A resolute Caricom agenda

WAYNE KUBLALSINGH

ON JANUARY 1, Mia Mottley, the Prime Minister of Barbados, was appointed chair of Caricom. This bodes well for our collective future. The following are nine suggestions for a renewed, relevant, and resolute Caricom.

First, Mottley will only hold office as chair for six months. This limited time span makes it very difficult for her to accomplish significant change.

Constitutionally, Caricom needs to be augmented. It needs a chair who will be there for at least four to five years. And that chairperson ought not to be a working prime minister because of the commitments of office in her or his own member state.

The current six-month rotational system has to be replaced. Caricom needs continuity of leadership on a more permanent basis to put into effect long-term plans and vision.

Second, in her inauguration speech, Mottley stressed the need for greater unity in Caricom. One of the reasons for the disunity is the influence or perceived threats of global imperialistic or national powers.

Some governments are pro-US and are wary about deviating from the wishes of this global power. They exercise forced self-containment and restraint, continually looking behind their backs.

The US might want to control how they vote at UN sessions, for instance. In extreme instances, they become proxies, puppets, panderers, lapdog pets, putting their national or Caricom’s interest after that of the US.

Additionally, there is also disunity in perceptions towards China. China is investing in its Belt and Road initiative in various countries of the Caribbean. Some members see China as a prospective imperialist threat.

One way to deal with this form of mixed perception, and therefore disunity, is to declare Caricom's non-alignment. That is a very sound strategic move to take. Once we declare non-alignment, we are relieved of having to continually look behind our backs. We clearly state this is our position. We are not aligned.

This does not necessarily mean that we may not critique either the West or the rising Asian or West Asian powers like Russia. It gives us the freedom to critique any side, but strongly insist on our non-alignment. This constitutes a very significant strategic move towards Caricom independence.

Third, national sovereignty is not inconsistent with being a good member in Caricom. We have seen Western European nations cede their powers to the European Parliament, to NATO, to the Americans, to the European Court of Justice, and they have withered down their powers. It has basically become a federation of weak partners.

This is not how Caricom ought to be. It should be a federation of strong states; you may only have a strong Caricom if you have strong members. You may not have a strong Caricom if you have weak members; national sovereignty must be accepted; some things just have to be done unilaterally. You can be a very strong nation, a very nationalistic nation, and equally a strong member of Caricom.

Fourth, Caricom ought to draft a 40 to 50-year plan outlining our local/regional (internal) and global (external) vision and direction. To ensure coherence, unity of purpose. What do we want to achieve as a global sub-power?

The leadership of Caricom would have the task of articulating these objectives, for executing progressively and consistently short-term, medium-term, long-term plans in a very systematic way. To let members, Caricom citizens, the world know what Caricom’s plan is.

These plans remain, of course, seated with the secretariat, but once new chairs are appointed, they pick up where the last leaders have left off, ensuring consistency, regularity, focus.

Fifth, this plan or agenda must be supported by media. Just as Britain has its BBC, Russia RT, China CGTN, Qatar Al Jazeera, Turkey TRT, Venezuela Telesur, the US Voice of America and CNN, etc, representing their respective state ideologies, we must develop a Caricom TV, a global network to define Caricom’s identity and vision.

Sixth, Caricom ought to apply to become a member of BRICS. BRICS is an emerging force in global politics. It was born out of the unipolar world. It is vying to make a multipolar world, more democratic, less single-voiced, less undemocratic.

In the late 1990s when the Soviet Union fell, unipolarity donned its hood and scythe: a draconian voice in the world romping about willy-nilly, a law unto itself, subverting law, with its “rules-based order,” its regime-change agenda, using sanctions, proxy puppets and genocide. This is hardly good for the world.

In the era of Williams, Barrow, Manley, we had a stronger Caricom because we were part of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Non-Aligned Movement gave us the confidence to talk and walk confidently on the global stage.

Seventh, to secure its relevance, Caricom must be seen to be doing Caricom things. Poor dietary habits, leading to obesity and other chronic diseases, caused in part by poor food choices, are plaguing our populace. Our health systems are finding it extraordinarily difficult to cope. Budgetary emoluments to health ministries are being stretched.

We must hit back with our own food, vital food, ital food, genuine food, and we need therefore to support our food producers; put farmers, fisherfolk, vendors in the vanguard of a renewed campaign for good eating habits and for food security in the Caribbean. We must make life easier for them, not harder.

An internal system of payment, a digital coin, a Caricom Bitcoin, whereby farmers, vendors, traders pay across our borders, using our Caricom bank, online banking, to invest loans, funds into the accounts of these people, into their cell phones, would demonstrate the relevance of Caricom.

Eight, the energy hub in the Caribbean has shifted. It has shifted from TT to Guyana. Between Guyana and other members, there is need to create, like the Venezuelan Petro-Caribe, a system of gas and oil exchange. Caricom members should be able to purchase energy at more reliable and consistent rates; in an era of worsening global insecurity, war.

Finally, Caricom ought to put itself in a position to give technical aid to a constitutionally dystopian Haiti (Caricom member), and a sanction-plagued, dysfunctional market system in Cuba (observer status).

This commentary is indebted to Barbara Arrindell, host of The Big Issues, Radio Antigua Observer, and my fellow guests Dr Sanjay Lewis, JP, lecturer; and attorney Ann Henry KC