Resisting change: The Tobago Planters Association 1905- 1938

Dr Rita Pemberton

THE members of the Tobago planting fraternity were totally opposed to the union of Trinidad and Tobago in their attempt to prevent the implementation of a policy which they anticipated would result in distasteful changes, not the least of which would be their separation from the reins of power.

But that union was a fait accompli where the imperial government was concerned and once the union was made operative, it became very clear that the position of dominance and the power traditionally wielded by the island’s planters and merchants were relegated to the past.

This was a difficult pill for the members of the erstwhile ruling class to swallow and in a desperate attempt to protect their interests, the Tobago Planters Association was formed in 1905. Its membership was composed of white and near-white planters and merchants who sought strength in unity with the hope that they could salvage some semblance of the influence which plantation owners and merchants once exercised.

It is to be noted that this body of planters and merchants constituted a new planter /merchant presence who had to function in a very different social and economic environment.

Firstly, the era of quick wealth from profit bearing plantations was over. The old plantocracy stubbornly held on to sugar cultivation until forced to give it up when the industry crashed, after which no suitable profit generating crop had been identified. The island became stuck in financial doldrums which along with the social ferment which it stirred, provided the imperial government with the opportunity to implement its policy of terminating the powers of the local assembly and implement direct rule over the island without effective opposition.

Secondly the new planters did not wield the powers of their predecessors who had surrendered their powers to the imperial government amid fears of a black backlash against exploitation and control.

Thirdly, the new planters needed workers on their properties, but they encountered a working class that resisted low wages and poor working conditions and was further stirred by the activities of the Trinidad Working Mens' Association. In addition, the misfortunes of the sugar industry facilitated the actualisation of the land acquisition ambitions of the working class.

Since the start of union there was opposition to the over centralisation of decision making in Trinidad and there were calls for popular control over decisions pertaining to the island which increased towards the end of the 19th and into the early years of the 20th century when the number of black landowners was on the increase. To the employers this development created what was considered a void on the labour market forcing them to grapple with what they termed “a labour problem” which they were unable to resolve.

They failed (or refused) to see the growing consciousness of the working-class population of political matters and their strong desires for a more participatory administration.

Fourthly, the new crop of planters and merchants were small operators. The planters were unable to expend the required sums to put their operation on a financially sound footing and despite their intentions, plantation business was no longer a highly remunerative activity. Also, because they failed to consider the changed society in which they were operating, their fixation with past modes did not serve their best interests.

Like their predecessors, the new planters refused to see the black population as nothing other than labourers who were not to be allowed to have ambitions of their own.

The merchants found themselves severely restricted because all their business had to be conducted through business houses and agents in Trinidad, which limited possibilities for diversification and growth. This arrangement stifled the conduct of trade because all economic activity was dependent on the highly unreliable steamer service which connected the two islands.

As a result, the movement of people and goods suffered, spoilage occurred during the long time periods between sailings, profits were impaired. Shortages of essential items were common on the island and with it, price increases were regular while profits dwindled. It was extremely difficult to overcome this impediment without influence in the Legislative Council of TT where decisions were made. The council was dominated by the large Trinidad sugar and cocoa plantation owners, seven of whom constituted its unofficial element.

The prevailing opinion in the council was that Tobago was a dependency; its agriculture was in shambles and not worth restoration and generally they attached no importance to Tobago’s issues. Its label as an island ward did not work in Tobago’s favour because during discussions in the council, it was argued that the island did not merit special consideration, particularly for projects which required large sums to be expended since it was just like any of the other wards in the colony. No consideration was given to the special needs of the island and even Tobago’s representative on the council was disrespected.

The situation was further exacerbated by the challenges which were faced by the Tobago representative. Owing to the unpredictability of the steamer service, the representative was unable to attend council sessions frequently, but those who were nominated before 1925 were planters whose concerns were focussed on planter interests and not on the welfare of the island as a whole.

In addition, Tobago did not feature as a prospect for the colony’s agricultural growth which was the main concern of the large planter component of the council. While the power and influence of the Tobago planters declined those of the Trinidad planters who were members of the council increased. The reality was that both the planters of Tobago and the island’s representative in the council wielded no power over Tobago’s affairs.

However, the planting community and their supporters had demonstrated their lack of interest in the welfare of the population and had no commitment to the development of Tobago. They were strenuously opposed to constitutional reform which empowered the labouring class.

A discussion which was held during one of their meetings, which leaked to the public, revealed their commitment to their group over the interests of the island. They wished to punish the lazy Tobagonians to they wanted to grant crown lands to Indians from Trinidad as a strategy to relieve their “labour problem.” They were both angry and embarrassed when the matter was made public and in response, they kept their meetings secret and far removed from from the prying eyes and cocked ears of their opponents.

They advocated for the island’s administration to be headed by a Commissioner Warden who they hoped would be able to influence the executive in Trinidad and manage the affairs of Tobago, so giving them the access to decision-making on the island, which they craved. The authorities did not initially approve this proposal and when they did after lengthy debate, the commissioner/warden was not given the powers they hoped for.

In 1938 the members of the Tobago Planters Association joined the Chamber of Commerce, which was formed in 1936, but this organisation was dominated by its Trinidad members and the Tobago members did not have a voice.

When the Franchise Commission was established Tobago’s representative, was Robert Reid, a planter who advocated a high-income qualification for both voters and candidates which was contrary to the desires of the population.

Despite their efforts, the Tobago Planters Association was not able to turn the direction of both the administration of Tobago and the direction of its development along their preferred path. Their efforts to turn the tide of change back to the past had failed.