The Tobago Defence Association

Dr Rita Pemberton

THE LAST three decades of the 19th century were critical years in the economy and politics of Tobago. During this time, while the sugar plantation economy floundered until its final demise in 1884, class formation was in its embryonic stage, and at the same time, Tobago was engulfed in a series of unpopular political changes which stimulated the formation of several organisations.

These fledging groups sought to register their presence as concerned residents with views and interests of their own to influence decision-makers to consider their concerns. The activities of these groups must be seen against the existing realities on the island.

Despite the state of the economy, the large planters and merchants continued to be able to exert their influence on politics. In particular, the Mc Call brothers, who lent support to imperial policies, and whose views did not align with those of the emerging classes, posed a stumbling block to the aspirations of the population.

This element of the population was frustrated by the change in the government structure of Tobago, which was supported by the Mc Calls. They were responsible for leading the charge to change the constitution in 1874, which did not meet with the wishes of the larger segment of the population, nor did it serve the best interests of the island.

The members of these groups channelled their energies into several different associations which included lodges, friendly societies and other charitable organisations and a society for the improvement of young men, each of which was representative of the effort to promote interests and activities that were considered beneficial to development. Membership of these groups included upwardly mobile black and coloured people who formed the middle group of the society.

One such organisation was the Tobago Defence Association (TDA), whose membership included black clerks, shopkeepers, teachers, and artisans. Formed in 1884, the TDA was an expression of dissatisfaction and exasperation with crown colony government, which despite its promises of government for the welfare of all, remained partisan to the big planters, the Mc Calls in particular, and facilitated the continued stranglehold of the large planter and merchant class on political life.

There were serious concerns about the crown colony system of administration, which was associated with increased taxation and insensitivity to the needs of the wider population. In fact, the imperial government and Tobago’s large planter and merchant fraternity were unified in the belief that the black population should remain permanent members of the labour force that was expected to remain accessible to the planters for estate labour.

The first chairman of the TDA was Dr James Anderson, formerly of the elite class, who had fallen out of grace with the leading planters and merchants and allied with the smaller planters and merchants.

The attempt to deal with the shortage of revenue illustrates how the system earned the disdain of the TDA and its membership. The crown colony administration increased the tax burden on large properties from ten to 15 per cent and removed the exemptions on estate animals.

This angered the planter community, but, prodded by hope of imperial support for immigration, there was no outburst of opposition to the tax. However, the additional attempt to raise revenue through imposing an export tax was vehemently opposed by the leading planters. Their disappointment over the immigration issue powered their reaction to the export tax.

Planters who had hoped for imperial support for immigration received several proposals from different resident administrators, the last of which was a promise of a Chinese immigration scheme which never materialised. Led by the Mc Calls, a strong “No Export Tax” protest was launched, which resulted in the withdrawal of that tax plan.

In retaliation, the TDA called for the termination of the crown colony government and a return to the 1874 constitution with the single-chamber arrangement, which they initially opposed. It was expected that this measure would provide members of the TDA with an advantage, since they would command a majority of seats in the chamber, which could be used to arrest the big-planter influence on decision-making.

However, the Colonial Office was totally opposed to reintroducing elected bodies into the system of administration of its Caribbean possessions. These assemblies, which had been a source of bitter conflict between the two bodies in the past, proved embarrassing to the imperial administration. This TDA strategy did not work.

Although the TDA received growing support from teachers and opposed the proposed federation of Tobago with the Windward Islands, the association operated under several constraints. It lacked the organisational and financial strength required to counter those of the powerful Mc Calls and their allies.

In addition, the imperial government did not want to create any major social change. Like the large planters, it was the intent of the imperial authorities to maintain the status quo with a white ruling class and a dependent, low-paid black labour force.

Ironically this organisation fell into the hands of the despised doctors James and Richard Anderson, who arrived in 1874. The Andersons were first lessees, then owners of Castara Estate in 1880, and they belonged to the ruling planter elite.

Richard Anderson was made district medical officer (DMO) of Scarborough in 1877. The brothers were notorious for charging their patients extremely high rates for their services, which made them stimulants to the Belmanna War.

Having had to flee to Scarborough to escape the wrath of the their angry patients during the war, they helped to stimulate fear of black rule and encouraged members to surrender their remaining power, change the 1874 constitution and support the implementation of crown colony government on the island.

In 1891, Richard Anderson, who was appointed DMO in Scarborough, served as president of the TDA when he undertook a battle against the very crown rule he had advocated in 1876.

The extent of the commitment of these two men to the cause espoused by the TDA cannot be ascertained, but the fact that the organisation was not consistently visible throughout its existence suggests the leadership was not as effective as it ought to have been.

The major weaknesses of the TDA were its lack of financial strength and its inability to strengthen its organisation as it faced its most powerful opponents, the local rich planter and merchant class and the imperial administration, both of which infused the fear of black rule and sought to prevent the creation of a black ruling class.

Having not achieved its lofty aims, the TDA dwindled into invisibility after 1891.