From 7-7 to what, and why?

In what looks like a rough and tough local government campaign towards August 14 for 141 seats, there are three related hot-spot issues facing the 1.1 million electorate:

1. By how much would the current seven PNM vs seven UNC municipal corporations’ tie change, if at all, and in whose political favour?

2. On what basis would such possible change occur?

3. For both PNM political leader, 73-year-old Dr Keith Rowley, and UNC political leader, 71-year-old Kamla Persad-Bissessar, the election is a test of political pride and personal vindication.

Briefly, the 2019 local government elections showed the UNC getting 202,584 votes (54.5 per cent) against PNM 161,962 (43.6 per cent) from an electorate of 1,079,976 (34 per cent voted). Of the 139 seats, the current distribution of seats is PNM 72, the UNC 67 (before defections). The 2019 elections again exposed the political “lopsidesness” of the electorate. Of the 14 corporations, there are at least two remarkable features. Firstly, the wide difference in allocated seats. For example, while Tunapuna-Piarco has 16, Mayaro/Rio Claro and Point Fortin has six respectively. Secondly, there are numerically no “marginal” seats like eight-to-seven or nine-to-seven.

From platform projections, the battleground seats are likely to be Sangre Grande (now UNC 4, PNM 3) with UNC chairman Anil Juteram jostling with PNM political broker Terry Rondon and PNM Works Minister Rohan Sinanan playing a significant role. So too with Local Government Minister Faris Al-Rawi for San Fernando (PNM 6, UNC 3), busy resisting UNC intrusions. Clearly, social geography shows PNM to be largely an urban-centred party with UNC a rural-centred one. For example: Port of Spain – PNM 12, UNC 0; Diego Martin – PNM 10, UNC 0; Couva-Tabaquite-Talparo – UNC 14, PNM 0; Princes Town – UNC 10, PNM 0. Why should a 35 per cent voter turn-out have such big political consequences? With low turnouts, some polling divisions play a crucial part.

Further, the political realities against regional integration become aggravated when the central government is held by one party and a municipal corporation is held by a majority from the opposition party. And this, when loud political protests are being made about “geographical discrimination". How can local government reform heal this? There is nothing in the “reform bill” to show that increased pay and full-time status for councillors will heal this breach, lawful as it is.

Last week, a St Augustine Riverside Street resident, Ms Dulcie Rambarran, complained not only has she never seen her councillor but, with residents, made countless complaints about a nearby broken bridge. Nothing done. The broken bridge, small and on a very narrow road, caused one death and several accidents. I too never saw or heard from my councillor even after writing him twice about a serious problem. Problem worsened. Could local government reform cure this? How would the mayor now appointing the chief executive officer guarantee service delivery? Using property tax as a reason for service shortages is overblown – no excuse for municipal corporation inefficiencies and neglect.

Given such “ground level” problems facing citizens, some major campaign issues for government accountability will likely be countless potholes, broken drains, water supply, crime and public safety, political and statutory neglect by corporations, political arrogance, allegations and counter-allegations of corruption, food stamps and poverty, taxpayers’ money wastage, lack of accountability by corporations, traffic, broken promises and of course, comparisons between numerous taxes and shortage of services and infrastructure. Given the seven-seven tie, both PNM and UNC, of course, will explain their respective successes and failures.

Last Tuesday’s citizens’ protest against bad roads in rural Barrackpore tells a big story. Firstly, this protest came after numerous complaints to the authorities but with no positive results. Such neglect is a violation not only of the Municipal Corporations Act but also of the Works Ministry's duties. That badly broken road has been a daily nightmare for the social and economic life of the fed-up citizens there. Worse yet, when the people protested as a means of calling attention to their plight up came the police and arrested a 61-year-old grandmother for “disorderly” behaviour and hear this, for “resisting arrest.”

While the ministry “promised” to fix the road, “granma” Shaira Ali is on $40,000 bail. It seems to make no sense writing or speaking to councillors and the corporation. People are forced to burn tyres, block road and wave protest placards. But the politicians “screening.” On what basis does the party leadership screen, re-appoint or nominate councillors? Do they ask citizens anything?

For both Dr Rowley and Ms Persad-Bissessar, this election is high stakes. For Rowley, 2023 is not like 2015. His popularity has faded not only by the dramatic 14-1 loss in Tobago but within his own party’s internal elections – though beating Karen Nunez-Tesheira. The PNM's local government losses in Trinidad haven’t helped him. And then he faces these protracted problems of crime, education, roads and drains, health, public utilities and even food and fuel prices. If he loses again, well… He has potential but must quickly improve. Last Thursday, he called for “love, patience, tolerance.”

While “standing her ground", Ms Bissessar has both internal and external challenges. While she seems optimistic about gaining “some more” local government seats, if she loses, the calls for her “stepping down” would be louder, especially from the outside “marginalised” group. She and her party appear to have gathered some very loyal and vibrant youngsters for the campaign, The party has also equipped them with a deadly list of weaponised campaign issues. The electorate will judge. Both Dr Rowley and Ms Persad-Bissessar face tests of their lives. If the seven-seven moves, it would be a story of agony and ecstasy.