The roots of Tobago’s autonomy drive

DR RITA PEMBERTON

The question of autonomy for Tobago, which has become a central feature of contemporary politics in TT, is commonly referred to as a feature which resulted from the era of the imperial-dictated union in 1889 and the subsequent unsavoury relationship that developed between the two islands.

In his very scholarly and informative book Identity and Secession in the Caribbean: Tobago versus Trinidad, 1889-1980, Learie Luke traces the formation of the Tobago identity as a development which lay at the core of the Tobago self-definition process and which was necessitated by its relationship with Trinidad.

Luke argues that the reaction in Tobago to its relegation as the inferior party in the union, and the perception that it was a backward appendage of the larger island, stimulated identity-shaping which formed the base of the autonomy drive.

A part of the reaction from Tobago was the assertion that it was a retrograde and unpalatable step for the island, which previously possessed an assembly which handled its affairs, to be joined to one which had always been a mere crown colony.

Some opponents to union argued that Tobago’s possession of a legislative arm of government made it superior to Trinidad, whose laws were dictates from the imperial government.

While it is very useful to examine the impact of union on the relationship between the two islands, it should not preclude an attempt to identify forces which stimulated calls for autonomy during an earlier period.

Reflection on the island’s history reveals a trajectory favouring autonomy, which was a question raised during an earlier period by different groups for different reasons.

In this regard, it is essential to consider several factors. First and foremost are the existing social divisions of the island.

Tobago’s society underwent significant change during the era after 1838. There are two developments that are of particular significance.

One was the emergence of a new planter and merchant class whose interests did not always align with those of the traditional large planters who formed the ruling class.

The former was, in terms of numbers, on the rise, while the old planter class, which was faced with financial challenges, struggled to wring profits from unyielding sugar estates and to maintain its hold on the reins of power on the island and the social privileges it enjoyed as a result.

Secondly, there was an emerging black landowning class, whose numbers increased because of the African desire to own land, which, among other things, was valued because it was a qualification for the franchise.

The right to vote was the first step towards autonomy.

The emerging classes were seen as threats to the social and political position of the old planter class, whose economic position was made more precarious by the decline of the sugar industry and the menacing intent of the imperial government to terminate its political power.

When, during the 1850s, the intent of the imperial government became evident, the emerging classes indicated their abhorrence of the misrule of the island by the planter assembly, and voted for the dissolution of the assembly as they called for a widening of the franchise to facilitate access to legislative power which reflected the interests of the labouring class.

This group was pleased to dethrone the Tobago Assembly in the discussions which led to the implementation of the 1854 Act for the Better Government of the island which instituted the Executive Committee.

It was their hope that the new arrangement would serve the interests of their group.

The Executive Committee was a fiasco, and because it didn’t meet the elusive property qualifications under the single-chamber arrangement, the small planters and merchants sought an amendment to the constitution.

In asserting their rights to representation to keep pace with taxation, the small planters and merchants, the middle strata and the labouring class expressed their objection to their inability to gain the franchise even though they were paying more taxes.

Then came the Belmanna War, which resulted in the Tobago Constitution Act 1876, which abolished the assembly, instituting crown-colony government without addressing the concerns of the smaller planters and merchants, the middle strata and the labouring class, who remained sorely disappointed

In the discussions over the future of Tobago as it faced what was seen as an incurable financial crisis, one of the options was confederation with the Windward Islands (Grenada, St Lucia and St Vincent) in 1885, with the seat of government in Grenada.

The Tobago Defence Association, which represented the smaller planters, argued that the crown-colony system should be abolished so they could have a full share of management of their own affairs.

They called for the restoration of representative government in which they could participate.

The larger planters and merchants were also opposed to confederation because it represented a decline in their political fortunes.

The imperial government dropped the issue in face of the opposition from all the other island members of the proposed confederation and waited for the opportune moment to implement the system it desired.

The next step was annexation, which was not the ideal, but was more tolerable than a wholly nominated legislature.

The law was passed in the Legislative Council in 1887. However, sensing the mood of the emerging classes in Tobago, the Legislative Council sought to stymie growing calls for self-rule by investing planter and merchant interests to control public funds by appointing them to the Estimates and Financial Committee, a facility which it had refused Tobago.

Faced with hostility from the members of the Legislative Council, Commissioner Low advocated increased autonomy for Tobago in 1894.

This was not to be an arrangement which embraced the interests of the emerging classes, but a system which allowed him to administer the island without the interference of the Trinidad officials, in the way he thought fit.

The autonomy drive predated the union, and has had a longer presence in the political discourse of the island than is generally recognised.