Garrison politics Abu Bakr style

Dr Gabrielle Hosein -
Dr Gabrielle Hosein -

DR GABRIELLE HOSEIN

NEITHER ELDER nor younger Abu Bakr is a card-carrying member of the PNM, but both sought and say they were promised a chance at a seat under the party banner. Party leader Keith Rowley would have had to convince constituency party groups and the whole PNM to include another political entity (the New National Vision) for the first time in history.

This from a go-it-alone party that finds coalition offensive and demeaning. This from a party that only accepts crossovers if they come from marginal constituencies and effectively combine insult with injury to the Opposition, or are voters. This from a party that believes its inheritance is post-independence, patriarchal authority. It would certainly not invite in a contender to strengthen itself on PNM resources in order to aggrandise a cabal.

The party is aware that disaffection at its poor handling of the economy abounds, and every vote matters. It is inconceivable that it would risk inclusion of the Jamaat-al-Muslimeen, an organisation which a vast population born before 1990 still associates with violent state takeover, death and destruction, and collective willingness to hold a terrorised nation to ransom. It is unlikely it would be threatened by the Jamaat’s control over votes in Port of Spain South.

Even if they feel abandoned by the PNM, are all those “young Africans” (Abu Bakr’s term) going to vote for Kamla Persad-Bissessar?

The UNC is a Trojan horse for Indian men, aspiring for greater status, power and wealth than their fathers, to secure their influence over the political economy. In the competition among patriarchies, they would be perceived as now ruling over African men with less status, power and wealth.

Surely, the People’s Partnership state of emergency and its criminalising (and eventual releasing without charge) of such young Africans is hardly forgotten. African youth might find ways to rebel, as a more politically-educated generation did in 1970. They might not vote, but it will be a grim day in fairy-tale land for them to vote UNC. Whether they will vote for Fuad, now rethroned as political leader of the NNV, we will see.

I’m fascinated by the Abu Bakrs’ audacity in publicly playing garrison politics with the nation.

Garrison politics is best understood from Jamaica’s experience of politicians making alliances with dons, or male civilians who “control” gangs, communities and organised violence, in order to secure the votes of urban, poor communities. As Rivke Jaffe writes, dons became power brokers as contracts, housing, jobs and money (and weapons) were distributed through them.

Later, as the Jamaican state hit recession, dons “came to replace Members of Parliament as community patrons who distributed largesse” and provided health services, schooling and policing. Empowered to secure urban order, dons became effective and accepted co-rulers (with politicians), in turn demanding “a steady flow of state funds and a measure of protection.” Demanding a seat inside government is the next, logical step.

While not a don in the Jamaican sense, the Jamaat-al-Muslimeen is governed by a strongman leader who cares, invites loyalty, builds camaraderie, promises ethical/religious certainty, establishes justice, and provides for basic necessities where the State has failed on all counts. Gangs perform the same function of creating a sense of value and belonging to a familial order, particularly for young Afro-Trinidadian men who feel alienated, abandoned and under threat.

In Anna Ramdass’s Express story from May 31, Abu Bakr described the Jamaat as “responsible for the decrease in gang warfare, especially in the Enterprise, Chaguanas area.” He continued, “They ain’t kill no women because we make a law in the community.” Having locked off “gun warfare,” Abu Bakr boasted that only he holds the combination to the lock.

Regarding Fuad, he promised, “Anywhere he go he will win, I is he father, I does rule the streets.” And, because manhood and sexual command over women are social capital in politics, elder Abu Bakr cast Fuad as “a sweet boy, he’s them girls sugar.”

Elder Abu Bakr is, however, threatening as much as he is promising. If he can decrease crime, including domestic violence, he can allow its return. If he can bring in votes, he can bring down the Government. This is the modus operandi of the don: to offer protection to politicians, but only if formal state institutions and representatives recognise and secure his rank and power.

Fuad may want to represent grassroots youth, but what we witnessed was his play for power however his father brokers, knowing that he inherits patriarchal right over the Jamaat and the vote bank it can lock down from among genuinely disaffected communities. Rowley agitated such garrison politics by refusing to agree to the Abu Bakrs’ high-stakes game in king-making using “young Africans” as pawns or collateral and using a general election to secure a dynasty.

Diary of a mothering worker

motheringworker@gmail.com

Entry 378

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"Garrison politics Abu Bakr style"

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